Suchergebnisse

The present volume sets forth to analyse illustrative aspects of the deep-rooted immersion of the populations of the eastern coasts of Africa in the vast network of commercial, cultural and religious interactions that extend to the Middle-East and the Indian subcontinent, as well as the long-time involvement of various exogenous military, administrative and economic powers (Ottoman, Omani, Portuguese, Dutch, British, French and, more recently, European-Americans). The present volume is the product of one of the main activities of this CRG: organizing AEGIS international thematic conferences on African in the Indian Ocean. The second such conference took place in Lisbon, at ISCTE-University Institute of Lisbon, on April 10th April 2015, convened by the Centre of International Studies, and organized by Iain Walker (Max Plank Institute), Manuel João Ramos (CEI-IUL), and Preben Kaarsholm (Roskilde University). The chapters in this book are a selection of reviewed and revised contributions to that conference. The chapters are presented chronologically, from the 16th century to the present day, and are contextually paired (Eastern Africa and Madagascar, the Horn, and South Africa). This is certainly not a comprehensive and final book on the intertwining relationship between African participation in the regional trading and cultural networks of the Indian Ocean and the hegemonic presence of world powers in the area. Its purpose is rather to contribute, with a few meaningful exemplary case-studies, to assert the need for further and more inclusive investigation. It touches upon questions that have been independently addressed by different regional and inter-regional research networks (African studies, Gulf studies, Indian Ocean studies, Southwest Asian studies, etc.). The role of the Indian Ocean in global security, the increasing involvement of India and China in the economies of contemporary African states and the cultural links that bind eastern Africa to the Indian Ocean littoral are both intricate and temporally deep. The editors of this book hope that it may serve as a useful tool to bridge the different social sciences and regional studies areas, and create a clearer awareness of the deep-rooted, and evolving, ties between Africa and the Indian Ocean. This publication is funded with national funds by FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (in the framework of the project UID/CPO/03122/2013)

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Ancient History Bulletin via the link in this record ; This article explores the relationship between the Greeks, Macedonians and Romans through the prism of Polybius of Megalopolis and his Histories in the second century BC. It throws light on how a Greek might control and construct the image of larger powers to explain political change and assert or deny them political and cultural legitimacy, while at the same time proclaiming the continued importance of Hellenic culture. It investigates Polybius' construction and use of Hellenism in his Histories and demonstrates how he deliberately interchanged the trajectories of Macedon and Rome to offer an ideological explanation for Rome's rise and Macedon's fall, to assert that the preservation of the Greeks lay with Rome not Macedon, to protect the standing of the Achaean League, and to emphasise the importance of Hellenic virtues for success on the domestic and international scenes.

AbstractThis article makes the case that the literature of hegemonic orders and debates on the crisis of US hegemony have been shaped and up to a point intellectually confined by a tradition or idea of world history understood as a series of hegemonic powers. This tradition of history as a succession of hegemonic powers is traced from ancient to modern sources, later reconstituted as a theoretical discourse. In drawing attention to the historical traditions underpinning this literature, these findings contribute to advancing the historiography of International Relations and to studying the role of multiple contemporaneous histories in the emerging international order.

Resumen: Este artículo explora el desarrollo económico, demográfico y social de la frontera norte de México y el papel que ha jugado ésta en su historia colonial, en relación al surgimiento y desarrollo de su literatura. La obra del tijuanense Luis Humberto Crosthwaite ilustra cómo esta historia colonial es subvertida y transformada en parodia, mediante la cual, la frontera adquiere su propia hegemonía y soberanía.Palabras clave: Cambio social, frontera, México, Tijuana, colonialismo, poscolonialismo. Abstract: This article explores Mexico Northern border economic, demographic and social development, and the role this has played in its colonial history in relation to the emergence and development of its literature. Tijuana´s writer Luis Humberto Crosthwaite work captures how this colonial history is subverted and transformed into parody. In this way, the border becomes hegemonic and sovereign.Key words: Social Change, Border, México, Tijuana, Colonialism, Postcolonialism.

Abstract
Focusing on the relationship between distributional justice and hegemonic world orders, this article turns attention to a fundamental contradiction in historical capitalism between profitability and legitimacy that manifests itself in successive creative destructions of hegemonic orders. Through a comparative–historical analysis of world hegemonies, I show that increasing distributional injustices during periods of 'legitimacy crisis' compel new hegemonic powers to pragmatically address some of these injustices as a part of their hegemony-building strategies. Despite growing efforts by world hegemonic powers to address such distributional injustices, social and global inequalities in the capitalist world-economy tend to increase over time. As social and global inequalities increase, new hegemonic powers are compelled to make greater promises and to undertake much greater efforts to address distributional injustices in order to gain intellectual and moral leadership in an emergent new world order. Yet, none of these efforts become successful in the long run because even the partial successes of redistribution policies pave the way for 'profitability crises' and undermined world hegemonies. This dynamic poses several challenges to achieving global distributional justice in an emergent new capitalist world order.

The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1947 (hereafter referred to as the GATT) emerged in the aftermath of World War II and, despite the initial intention that it would serve as a mere interim arrangement while the administrative framework of the International Trade Organisation was finalised, the GATT would proceed to guide the course of multilateral trade throughout the twentieth century. What is often overlooked in mainstream analyses of the key principles underpinning the liberal international economic order is the significance of the negotiating history of the GATT which was dominated by two main participants, the United States and the United Kingdom. These parties experienced very different growth trajectories following World War II and so sought to advance different national interests within the negotiating forum. Briefly, while the United States was benefitting from an unprecedented increase in its economic and political power and wanted to see greater market access for its domestic industries, the United Kingdom was undergoing a difficult period of recovery and wanted to consolidate its system of imperial preferences. Nevertheless, because neither could unilaterally dominate the international policy space and because both recognised the value in promoting free trade for international political stability, they would ultimately reach a negotiated compromise resulting in the final codification of the GATT. In adopting a historical and textual methodology, this dissertation will argue that, in order to gain a more nuanced understanding of the principles underlying the GATT, one ought to examine the complexities of the negotiations leading up to its final codification, including the domestic interests advanced by the negotiating parties as well as contemporary hegemonic power dynamics.

Este estudio analizó las relaciones triangulares entre América Latina, Pekín y Washington en los últimos 15 años por medio de un rastreo del proceso político y económico de los estados de la región. Se centró específicamente en el desarrollo de América del Sur durante la era post-neoliberal, y la creciente influencia de China sobre esta región. El objetivo de este trabajo fue promulgar la idea de que los medios por los cuales se ha formado la arena política y económica contemporánea de los países latinoamericanos han sido, el fracaso de las doctrinas del Consenso de Washington en los años noventa en conjunto el expansionismo chino. El aporte del presente trabajo va dirigido a la comprensión del proceso histórico de la construcción de paradigmas de desarrollo en la región y su impacto en la sociedad. ; This study addressed the triangular relations between Latin America, Beijing and Washington in the last 15 years using a process tracing technique on the economic and political models of the region. It specifically focused on the South American development during the post-Washington Consensus era, as well as the expanding influence of China over this region. The aim of this paper was to transmit the idea that the failure of neoliberalism in the 90s together with the expansionism of China have shaped the contemporary political and economic arena among the countries of South America. This work could help to understand the historical process of the construction of develop paradigms on the region and its impact on the society.

The changing geopolitical landscape is fraying the fabric of US hegemony and compromises the current structures of global order tied to US supremacy. Emerging powers from the 'developing' world, such as China, India and Brazil, are increasingly challenging the US-based order through their individual and collective actions on economic and development governance. They see themselves as lacking a significant stake in the system and have different values than traditional US allies which tend to be advanced liberal democracies. This article examines how the US is attempting to manage the challenge to its position of primacy in the global order. The main argument is that the US has been slow to recognize this threat and is still ambivalent about how to tackle it. It appears that at this stage the US wants to share the burdens of governance with emerging powers, encouraging them to play the role of 'responsible stakeholders'. At the same time, however, the US does not wish to relinquish its ability to act unilaterally or to be the main voice in established institutions, such as the UN Security Council or the International Monetary Fund. For this reason, the US has preferred to encourage the involvement of emerging countries in governance through informal settings like the G20, while resisting or being at best lukewarm about the reform of formal governance structures. The article concludes that if the US continues to pursue this strategy global order is likely to become more fragmented, with formal institutions increasingly losing their power and relevance; this, in turn, will diminish US power and influence. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)